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A blog dedicated to current Kairos BC-Yukon issues


Sunday, May 23, 2010

A reflection that needs to be read regularly from someone who understands apartheid inside out
Realizing God's dream for the Holy Land

By Desmond Tutu  |  October 26, 2007

Boston Globe
   
http://www.boston.com/news/world/middleeast/articles/2007/10/26/realizing_go ds_dream_for_the_holy_land/

WHENEVER I am asked if I am optimistic about an end to
the Israeli/Palestinian conflict, I say that I am not.
Optimism requires clear signs that things are changing
- meaningful words and unambiguous actions that point
to real progress. I do not yet hear enough meaningful
words, nor do I yet see enough unambiguous deeds to
justify optimism.

However, that does not mean I am without hope. I am a
Christian. I am constrained by my faith to hope against
hope, placing my trust in things as yet unseen. Hope
persists in the face of evidence to the contrary,
undeterred by setbacks and disappointment. Hoping
against hope, then, I do believe that a resolution will
be found. It will not be perfect, but it can be just;
and if it is just, it will usher in a future of peace.

My hope for peace is not amorphous. It has a shape. It
is not the shape of a particular political solution,
although there are some political solutions that I
believe to be more just than others.

Neither does my hope take the shape of a particular
people, although I have pleaded tirelessly for
international attention to be paid to the misery of
Palestinians, and I have roundly condemned the
injustices of certain Israeli policies that compound
that misery. Thus I am often accused of siding with
Palestinians against Israeli Jews, naively exonerating
the one and unfairly demonizing the other.

Nevertheless, I insist that the hope in which I persist
is not reducible to politics or identified with a
people. It has a more encompassing shape. I like to
call it "God's dream."

God has a dream for all his children. It is about a day
when all people enjoy fundamental security and live
free of fear. It is about a day when all people have a
hospitable land in which to establish a future. More
than anything else, God's dream is about a day when all
people are accorded equal dignity because they are
human beings. In God's beautiful dream, no other reason
is required.

God's dream begins when we begin to know each other
differently, as bearers of a common humanity, not as
statistics to be counted, problems to be solved,
enemies to be vanquished or animals to be caged. God's
dream begins the moment one adversary looks another in
the eye and sees himself reflected there.

All things become possible when hearts fixed in mutual
contempt begin to grasp a transforming truth; namely,
that this person I fear and despise is not an alien,
something less than human. This person is very much
like me, and enjoys and suffers, loves and fears,
wonders, worries, and hopes. Just as I do, this person
longs for well-being in a world of peace.

God's dream begins with this mutual recognition - we
are not strangers, we are kin. It culminates in the
defeat of oppression perpetrated in the name of
security, and of violence inflicted in the name of
liberation. God's dream routs the cynicism and despair
that once cleared the path for hate to have its
corrosive way with us, and for ravenous violence to
devour everything in sight.

God's dream comes to flower when everyone who claims to
be wholly innocent relinquishes that illusion, when
everyone who places absolute blame on another renounces
that lie, and when differing stories are told at last
as one shared story of human aspiration. God's dream
ends in healing and reconciliation. Its finest fruit is
human wholeness flourishing in a moral universe.

In the meanwhile, between the root of human solidarity
and the fruit of human wholeness, there is the hard
work of telling the truth.

From my experience in South Africa I know that
truth-telling is hard. It has grave consequences for
one's life and reputation. It stretches one's faith,
tests one's capacity to love, and pushes hope to the
limit. At times, the difficulty of this work can make
you wonder if people are right about you, that you are
a fool.

No one takes up this work on a do-gooder's whim. It is
not a choice. One feels compelled into it. Neither is
it work for a little while, but rather for a lifetime -
and for more than a lifetime. It is a project bigger
than any one life. This long view is a source of
encouragement and perseverance. The knowledge that the
work preceded us and will go on after us is a fountain
of deep gladness that no circumstance can alter.

Nothing, however, diminishes the fear and trembling
that accompany speaking the truth to power in love. An
acute awareness of fallibility is a constant companion
in this task, but because nothing is more important in
the current situation than to speak as truthfully as
one can, there can be no shrinking from testifying to
what one sees and hears.

What do I see and hear in the Holy Land? Some people
cannot move freely from one place to another. A wall
separates them from their families and from their
incomes. They cannot tend to their gardens at home or
to their lessons at school. They are arbitrarily
demeaned at checkpoints and unnecessarily beleaguered
by capricious applications of bureaucratic red tape. I
grieve for the damage being done daily to people's
souls and bodies. I have to tell the truth: I am
reminded of the yoke of oppression that was once our
burden in South Africa.

I see and hear that ancient olive trees are uprooted.
Flocks are cut off from their pastures and shepherds.
The homes of some people are bulldozed even as new
homes for others are illegally constructed on other
people's land. I grieve for the land that suffers such
violence, the marring of its beauty, the loss of its
comforts, the despoiling of its yield. I have to tell
the truth: I am reminded of the bitter days of
uprooting and despoiling in my own country.

I see and hear that young people believe that it is
heroic and pious to kill others by killing themselves.
They strap bombs to their torsos to achieve liberation.
They do not know that liberation achieved by brutality
will defraud in the end. I grieve the waste of their
lives and of the lives they take, the loss of personal
and communal security they cause, and the lust for
revenge that follows their crimes, crowding out all
reason and restraint. I have to tell the truth: I am
reminded of the explosive anger that inflamed South
Africa, too.

Some people are enraged by comparisons between the
Israeli/Palestinian conflict and what happened in South
Africa. There are differences between the two
situations, but a comparison need not be exact in every
feature to yield clarity about what is going on.
Moreover, for those of us who lived through the
dehumanizing horrors of the apartheid era, the
comparison seems not only apt, it is also necessary. It
is necessary if we are to persevere in our hope that
things can change.

Indeed, because of what I experienced in South Africa,
I harbor a vast, unreasoning hope for Israel and the
Palestinian territories. South Africans, after all, had
no reason to suppose that the evil system and the
cycles of violence that were sapping the soul of our
nation would ever change. There was nothing special or
different about South Africans to deserve the
appearance of the very thing for which we prayed and
worked and suffered so long.

Most South Africans did not believe they would live to
see a day of liberation. They did not believe that
their children's children would see it. They did not
believe that such a day even existed, except in
fantasy. But we have seen it. We are living now in the
day we longed for.

It is not a cloudless day. The divine arc that bends
toward a truly just and whole society has not yet
stretched fully across my country's sky like a rainbow
of peace. It is not finished, it does not always live
up to its promise, it is not perfect - but it is new. A
brand new thing, like a dream of God, has come about to
replace the old story of mutual hatred and oppression.

I have seen it and heard it, and so to this truth, too,
I am compelled to testify - if it can happen in South
Africa, it can happen with the Israelis and
Palestinians. There is not much reason to be
optimistic, but there is every reason to hope.

Desmond Tutu is the former archbishop of Cape Town,
chairman of the South African Truth and Reconciliation
Commission, and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

(c)Copyright 2007 Globe Newspaper Company.
Sun, May 23, 2010 | link

How can ordinary Canadians know what or who to believe? Read widely and from a variety of sources-that's the only way you may finally arrive at the truth.

How the World's Oil Giants Are Selling the 'Captured Carbon' Dream

Inside a global effort to convince the public an unproven technology will let us have our fossil fuels and a cooler planet, too.

By: By Geoff Dembicki, 17 May 2010, TheTyee.ca

View full article and comments: http://thetyee.ca/News/2010/05/17/CapturedCarbon/

The world's biggest producers of fossil fuels are carefully crafting strategies to convince the public that carbon capture and storage is a promising technology, even as that dream of a solution to global warming is battered by mounting expert opinion that it won't work.

Carbon capture and storage -- CCS in industry parlance -- is the quest to prevent greenhouse gasses from escaping into the atmosphere while drilling for or processing oil, gas and coal. Billions are being spent to try and figure out a way to instead pump the gasses back into the ground. The future of Alberta's tar sands may be riding on the idea, if Canadian and international regulations clamp down on its role as a prime greenhouse gas emitter. So it's no surprise the provincial government is itself investing a lot of money in developing CCS technology -- and a lot of effort in promoting it to the public as a coming solution.

But while there are some experimental projects underway here and elsewhere, the prospect that CCS will become a workable and widespread practice any time soon took a big hit last month when a Houston University research team threatened "to blow a hole in growing political support for carbon capture and storage," according to a Guardian newspaper story.

The report added to a growing chorus of experts who say pumping gasses back into the Earth is itself just too energy intensive, expensive and geologically dicey to bet on.

That isn't stopping the full tilt, professionally designed public relations effort to make citizens around the world embrace CCS. The goal is to frame CCS as a way to let oil and gas extraction to continue apace without threatening the planet -- a message slammed not only by environmental groups but at least one oil industry analyst who say the CCS feel-good story is just a wasteful diversion.

Just how much time, money, and coordinated effort has gone into selling the carbon capture and storage dream was on full display last November in Paris, France, as nearly 100 international delegates attended a conference hosted by the Global CCS Institute -- four months after the Institute's G8 Summit launch.

A full day of interactive discussion centred on how to communicate the "risks and benefits" of carbon capture technology to a sceptical public. Results were summarized in this 65-page report.

For delegates, the stakes were high. Speakers noted several failed attempts to gain community support for local projects. "It is apparent that this issue could become a commercial show stopper for CCS," the report read. It painted a portrait of a public distrustful of their governments and big oil firms, slow to believe CSS was a real, or even necessary, solution. And the media wasn't helping, because news reports tended to dwell on risks to the new technology.

Framing the CCS story

Conference participants discussed a number of ways to tweak the message for maximum success, based on several recurring themes from years of public opinion research. Excerpts from the conference report:

"...people wish to talk about CCS in comparison to other low-carbon technologies as part of an energy portfolio... Research has demonstrated that once individuals recognise the limitations of other technologies they may reluctantly accept CCS as the most appropriate solution."

"When the two words storage and sequestration were compared it was found that storage was a better word because it was more easily recalled. Individuals were able to accurately define the principle underlying the technology when storage was used and in general it created a more positive image of the technology."

"Within each community there are various audiences that need to be considered, particularly for targeting engagement processes and key messages."

"...uninformed opinions are unstable and change easily over time. To gain a most stable opinion it is important to provide individuals with the opportunity to engage with easily comprehensible information that is seen to be balanced and credible."

"...when multiple stakeholders join forces to communicate a message the message is more likely to be well received and trusted, particularly if those communicating the messages are generally known to have opposing views. For example, when NGOs team up with industry partners..."

Targeting the media

Much of the conference simply pointed out the obvious. Carbon capture proponents were advised to seek public input wherever possible and constantly point out local benefits. Other strategies called for greater sophistication.

There appeared to be consensus that project developers identify "influential stakeholders" early on. These are people, the report noted, "who can have a large influence on either the project or wider lay public and so need to have a high level of resources dedicated to them. This can include both time and money." Examples included "government regulators, media, NGOs, etc."

Lower down the priority list, but also important, was the "Education component." Proponents should focus "not only on schools at all levels but also wider institutions such as museums, science centres and so on," the report read.

They were also urged to target "the broader public through a variety of engagement activities including local shopping centres, large group processes, access to experts and project representatives etc.," according to the report.

Conference participants agreed there should be more mention of carbon capture technology in the media. One delegate requested "a carefully scripted Q&A session which might reflect the type of interaction one would have with a journalist regarding issues of both CCS in general and of a particular (generic) project."

Alberta's $2 billion wager

Thousands of kilometres away, the Alberta government was busy at work on its own pressing problem: How to keep making billions of dollars from the second largest oil reserves on Earth, while assuaging those worried about an ever-warming world?

Clawing and steaming tarry bitumen from wetland-rich boreal forest, then cooking the sticky goo into synthetic crude, creates up to three times as many carbon emissions as regular oil.

In the United States, clean fuel laws and pending climate change legislation could restrict a vital market.

Seventeen European Parliament members are actively campaigning against future oil sands imports.

Add to that resistance strong campaigns from groups like Greenpeace, which may be discouraging new projects.

In December 2009, Alberta finalized plans for the world's biggest-ever investment in state-of-the-art technology generally referred to as carbon capture and storage. The basic premise is carbon emissions are trapped at their source, converted to liquid, shot down sealed pipelines and injected deep underground.

A $2 billion taxpayer subsidy -- with $650 million more from the feds -- is helping fund four demonstration projects. They won't come online until 2015, and will only account for a small fraction of Alberta's CO2 output.

"The objective is to prove out the technology and ultimately to bring down the cost," said Jim Carter, chair of the development council which helped plan the initiative. Alberta has pledged big emissions cuts by 2050, with 70 per cent to come from carbon capture.

Meanwhile, oil sands production could nearly triple by 2025, according to industry estimates.

Canada's tar sands giants lobby for CCS

In Canada, industrial corporations representing 95 per cent of Alberta's oil sands production belong to a powerful lobby group called the Integrated CO2 Network. Its goal is to accelerate "large scale CCS" across the country. (Though members Syncrude and Suncor didn't bother to compete for Alberta's $2 billion funding.)

Last year, founder Eric Beynon met personally with many government officials, including some of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's policy advisors. The group also employs top-tier lobbying firms such as the Earnscliffe Strategy Group to plead its case.

A similar U.S. alliance -- whose membership includes energy mega-player Halliburton -- has spent US$90,000 lobbying Capitol Hill since 2009. That's not a lot of money by Washington standards, but still conspicuous from industrial sectors not generally known for environmental leadership.

Europe has its own carbon capture interest groups, filled with familiar fossil fuel giants.

CCS lobby goes global

In July of last year the carbon capture and storage lobby -- backed by many of the world's biggest carbon emitters -- went international. At the G8 summit in L'Aquila, Italy, Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and U.S. President Barack Obama launched a new group with a broad vision.

The Global Carbon Capture and Storage Institute would hasten efforts to deploy CCS technology on a commercial scale, across the entire world. The idea came from coal-consuming Australia, which has the planet's highest per-capita carbon emissions -- followed closely by the United States.

Institute membership reads like a cross section of the oil-dependant developed world. Members include giant investment banks (JP Morgan), oil sands lobby groups (Integrated CO2 Network), luxury car makers (Rolls-Royce) and carbon-heavy fuel interests (Australian Coal Association). Canada and Alberta have signed on, in addition to 30 other national and sub-national governments.

The Canberra-based Institute aspires "to be a key voice in the debate on climate change," according to its Overview Booklet. Australian taxpayers are paying AU$100 million a year to keep that mandate alive.

CCS may be costly 'diversion': Pembina

Of course it isn't surprising news that any major player in the climate change debate -- from militant greens to Big Oil and Coal -- would give thought to public relations.

What worries some observers is that huge investments in carbon capture and storage may placate a concerned public, while basic realities stay the same. "There is a risk that these very costly demonstration projects become something of a diversion," said Simon Dyer, oil sands program director for the Alberta-based Pembina Institute.

"The real issue of course is we need to put a high enough price on carbon and bring in regulations that drive emission reductions." Alberta emitters currently pay $15 per tonne for carbon emissions that exceed reduction targets. Meanwhile, carbon capture technology costs anywhere from $75 to $150 a tonne, Dyer estimated.

Billions of taxpayer dollars help bring down costs. Dyer's group thinks big carbon emitters should pay a bigger share. "We support the polluter pays principle, not the polluter gets paid," Dyer said.

Yet perhaps the biggest issue, particularly in Alberta, is whether carbon capture technology will actually produce carbon-neutral energy. "CCS is vital to the sustainability of Canada's oil sands development," reads a recent Integrated CO2 Network report.

Scientists advising federal and provincial ministers aren't so sure. "Only a small percentage of emitted CO2 is 'capturable' since most emissions aren't pure enough," read confidential briefing notes made public in 2008. "Only limited near-term opportunities exist in the oilsands."

Even staunch industry proponents have pointed out 80 per cent of fuel emissions come from end users -- vehicle commuters, for instance, who combust gasoline in their engines.

Latest blow to CCS hopes

Then, a few weeks ago, Houston University researchers dropped their bombshell, garnering press attention world-wide. The scientific study concludes that when emitters inject CO2 underground, pressure builds, restricting capacity for further injections.

It could mean the greenhouse gas output from one power station alone would fill a reservoir the size of a small U.S. state. "The findings of this work clearly suggest [CCS] is not a practical means to provide any substantive reductions in CO2 emissions," write the authors.

The paper hardly puts an end to the debate over carbon capture and storage -- the Carbon Capture and Storage Association lobbying group was quick to call the study mistaken, as did the American Petroleum Institute, Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, the Pacific Northwest National laboratory, and others.

But it makes winning over the public that much harder for a carbon capture and storage lobby that has hundreds of billions of dollars at stake in the concept that fossil fuel production -- and consumption -- need not be curtailed to save the planet.

'Bury the problem'

The Houston University report's co-author Michael Economides is not opposed to big business. In addition to a long academic background, he's editor-in-chief of the often pro-oil-and-gas Energy Tribune.

But he has said that carbon capture and storage "is like putting a bicycle pump up against a wall. It would be hard to inject CO2 into a closed system without eventually producing so much pressure that it fractured the rock and allowed the carbon to migrate to other zones and possibly escape to the surface."

His paper concludes the vaunted techno-fix for global warming "is not a practical means to provide any substantive reduction in CO2 emissions, although it has been repeatedly presented as such by others."

Economides labels himself an "agnostic" on the idea humans cause global warming. He thinks Western fossil fuel producers shouldn't waste valuable time and resources on a carbon capture scheme that won't work.

Especially, as he told The Tyee, when "even Ray Charles can see" it's nothing but a public relations ploy.

"CCS goes something like this," Economides said. "'We can continue doing what we are doing and literally and figuratively bury the problem.'"  [Tyee]

Sun, May 23, 2010 | link

A new carbon resource to exploit: does humanity deserve this good old earth?
Shale Game
Playing with unknowns underground

BY SANDRA STEINGRABER

Published in the May/June 2010 issue of Orion magazine


WHEN I MOVED MY FAMILY FROM a cabin in the woods outside of Ithaca, New York, into a house in a nearby village, it felt like a faith healing. I could walk again. A sidewalk stretched from my door out to a craggy maple tree and then connected with another sidewalk that headed down the block toward Main Street. Here was a track, upon which the wheels of a double stroller could roll, that linked me to coffee, library books, postage stamps, hardware displays, bank tellers, and a bus line. Hallelujah.

Out in the woods, foxes and newts had roamed our backyard, but I myself wasn’t doing much roaming. The road that connected me and my children to the rest of the world was ditched on both sides and carried trucks and a 50 mph speed limit. Nobody was going to be tricycling along it, and trips to obtain cash, band-aids, or wallboard nails involved car-seat buckles, tantrums, and drive-through windows.

But now I sat on my front stoop and grinned. To be sure, the village sidewalks—century-old slabs of stone—were neither plumb nor true, but this was evidence that they had outlasted a generation of street trees whose roots must have lifted them and then, in dying, set them down uncrumbled but askew. Looking at the misalignments, I tried to guess where trees had stood in 1840. From a geologist neighbor, Bill Chaisson, I learned that our sidewalks are a form of shale—the mother of slate—created from marine sediments. That’s when I noticed the marks of a vanished ocean on the walks’ rippled surfaces.

And it is this vanished ocean—and a deeper layer of shale called the Marcellus—that has now placed the Finger Lakes region of New York, known for waterfalls, vineyards, and dairy farms, at the center of a looming epic battle over a new form of energy extraction known as high-volume slick water hydrofracturing. Or, to use the world’s ugliest gerund: fracking. There are four stories to tell about it.

The geological story goes like this: Four hundred million years ago—before the Earth knew trees—the Acadian Mountains eroded into a nameless sea. Its silt sank into a trough in the ocean floor, together with the remains of mollusks, squids, and sea lilies. Under pressure, this graveyard turned into shale, forming a chalkboard the size of Florida. And the plankton and animals trapped inside became bubbles of methane. Because eroding mountains shed elements, this trough also captured uranium, mercury, arsenic, and lead. And so, in a bedrock layer that ranges from 2 to 200 feet thick, at a depth of 1 to 2 miles below the Earth’s surface, at a temperature that ranges from 140 to 180 degrees Fahrenheit, extending for some 600 miles throughout West Virginia, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, the shale’s rock, methane, and heavy metals have remained locked together. Underlain by brine. Overlain by drinking-water aquifers.

Geologists refer to the Marcellus Shale as New York’s ancient basement. Nevertheless, it comes blistering out of the ground in the little village of Marcellus—sixty miles and three finger lakes east of my village. That community became its namesake.

The engineering story goes like this: The Marcellus Shale holds the largest natural gas deposit in the United States. (What geologists call methane, energy companies call natural gas.) Drilling for gas by fracturing shale is an established practice, but, before the twenty-first century, capturing an effervescence of gas bubbles dispersed within a horizontal formation like the Marcellus was not profitable.

Enter slick water hydrofracking.

For this method, a drill bores down and then turns sideways. Explosives are detonated along the horizontal pipe, shattering the shale bedrock above and below. A pressurized slurry of water, sand, and chemicals goes down next. The water forces open the shattered rock, the sand grains keep it open, and the chemicals inhibit corrosion, kill algae, and reduce friction so that the released gas can flow up the pipe. Some of the water and chemicals forced into the fractured shale flows back up. And some of the water and chemicals—40 to 85 percent—stays in the ground.

A single fracking operation requires drill rigs, a compressor station, a network of pipelines, an access road, 2 to 8 million gallons of fresh water, 10 to 30 tons of chemicals, and about 1,000 tanker truckloads of water and toxic waste. About 4,000 wells are envisioned for my county alone.

The environmental story goes like this: In New York state, fracking represents the industrialization of a rural landscape and foodshed. If it goes forward, fracking will usher in the biggest ecological change since the original forests here were cleared. Road-building and pipe-laying will accelerate habitat fragmentation. Spills and seepage of toxic contaminants, including methane, into drinking-water supplies have been documented in other states and will certainly be an ever-present threat in the Finger Lakes region as well. Beyond this lie the unknowns.

The chemicals found in fracking fluid are unknowns both because their formulations are proprietary (Halliburton et al.) and because radioactive materials, heavy metals, and brine, freed at last from their subterranean chambers, combine with the chemicals in the flowback water. Where will it be treated? How will it be stored? We do know that fracking fluid contains benzene, a known carcinogen. Of the 300 other chemicals that are suspected ingredients of fracking fluid, 40 percent are endocrine disrupters and a third are suspected carcinogens.

The nature of government oversight is unknown because fracking is exempt from federal environmental regulations, including the Safe Drinking Water Act, the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, and the Superfund law.

The impact on agriculture and public health is unknown because a cumulative impact assessment has not been done. Dust, noise, traffic, diesel emissions, ozone, soil compaction, light at night, methane plumes. How will these affect asthma rates, pollination systems, cancer risk, the growth rate of alfalfa?

There are also more elusive unknowns. Can fractures in the Marcel Shale radiate upwards? Could they connect with other passages, faults, fissures, and channels? Could they crack an aquifer? Can shattered bedrock safely contain toxic chemicals for 430 million years?

The human story goes like this: The Marcellus Shale could be worth a trillion dollars. It may provide enough natural gas to supply the nation’s consumption for 2 years. Or 11 years. Or 20 years. Or 100 years. Leasing your land to a gas company can get you out of debt. It can allow you to retire.

Across the border in Pennsylvania, fracking is going full tilt, but, at this writing, there is a de facto moratorium in New York, as we await the release of a state review. Meanwhile, a pipeline has been laid from Corning to Rockland County, and millions of dollars are being spent quietly issuing leases. In my village, 14 percent of the land is already leased to gas companies. In the county, 40 percent. “The shale army has arrived,” said a representative from an energy company. “Resistance is futile.” And, indeed, in December 2009, ExxonMobil purchased a large natural gas company, a decision widely viewed as a game-changing commitment to fracking technology.

Nevertheless, at a recent meeting at my village firehouse, candidates for board and mayor declared their opposition to fracking. A public meeting about fracking at the village library included lively discussion about a community on nearby Keuka Lake that had turned away fracking wastewater trucked in from Pennsylvania. An older man in the audience declared passionately, “We have to be ready to lie down in front of the trucks.” On the way home, walking on an unbroken sidewalk made of shale above an as-of-yet unshattered bedrock made of shale, my son said, “We shouldn’t wreck this place down, right, Mom?” And his words drew a battle line across my heart.
Sun, May 23, 2010 | link

2010.05.01

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